David
Wimmer
3/22/13
LING
304: Research Report #3
Basque: A
language isolate spoken in Northeastern Spain and Southwestern France
In his
grammar of Basque, Hualde posits gapping as the strategy that the
language uses to construct its relative clauses. In this method,
Basque exhibits neither the relativized NP nor any corresponding
pronominal form present within the relative clause, as shown in (1):
[Pello -k
ekarri due -n] dirua galdu dut.
Peter -ERG bring AUX
-COMP money.DET lose AUX.1SG
'I lost the
money Peter brought.' (764)
As is typical of
SOV languages, the relative clause precedes the head NP. The
absolutive is relativized on here, which is reflected here by the "
gap and corresponds to "money." While the gapping in this
strategy is complete, verb agreement can in some cases provide
indirect traces of the relativized NP:
merkatuan erosi dituzu
-n sagarrak
market.LOC buy AUX.PL
-COMP apple.DET.PL
'The apples
that you bought in the market.'
sagarrak erosi duzu -n merkatua
apple.DET.PL buy AUX -COMP market.DET
'The market
where you bought the apples.' (765)
In (2),
the relativized NP is absolutive, and thus the auxiliary verb in the
relative clause agrees in number with it through the infix (-it-). In
(3),
however, the relativized NP is a locative oblique, with which the
verb shows no such number agreement. These agreement markings could
be argued to contribute to the greater ease in accessibility shown
both by absolutives and ergatives, which also show the same agreement
pattern.
Hualde posits an
invariant suffix as a complementizer that attaches itself to the
inflected verb within the relative clause, which in this case is the
auxiliary. He claims that this complementizer "relativizes the
relative clause," thus serving as a marker that said verb and its
corresponding argument are bounded as such (764). No evidence is
presented by the author to support this claim; however, it must be
noted that the complementizer does appear within every relative
clause example given in this grammar (814). While this is
insufficient evidence in and of itself to posit a category such as
"REL" or "COMP," it is quite likely that this suffix is
critical to the formation of relative clauses (and perhaps other
syntactic structures, too). Further work is needed to determine
exactly how it functions.
Relativization
in Basque is defined by the language's ergative-absolutive nature.
Hualde astutely recognizes this, and only deals with grammatical
relations in these terms For instance, he treats absolutive properly
as an S & P category and does not posit an erroneous "subject"
category. Thus, in a strict sense, Hualde never contends that
"subject" is the most accessible GR. If we take absolutives to
be the most "subject-like" category, however, Hualde still at
the very least modifies Keenan's assertion, to use the author's
own words (775). He argues that absolutives and ergatives are both
equally accessible in Basque, thus creating a hybrid "subject-direct
object" category on the accessibility hierarchy. Hualde supports
his claim by arguing that both ergatives and absolutives can always
be relativized without any restriction. Datives and obliques, on the
other hand, can require additional case-marking or be ungrammatical
to certain speakers or, in some cases, to all speakers. For
instance, the oblique relativized on in (6)
must also agree with a relational suffix, "-ko," placed on the
auxiliary verb, otherwise it would be ungrammatical.
I find this
argument, and the relative clause evidence he uses to support it,
convincing. I see no reason why absolutives should be treated as more
accessible as ergatives other than to simply conform to the
accessibility hierarchy itself. I would further add, as I mentioned
above, that ergatives and absolutives have more transparent
case-marking within the relative clause, thus likely making their
construction less cognitively taxing. In the below questions I will
go over specific evidence regarding GRs and accessibility.
The gapping
relativization strategy can apply to absolutives (1-2),
ergatives (5),
datives (4),
obliques (3,6).
Genitives, as in (7),
cannot strictly be relativized; however, certain constructions can
be semantically understood as genitive within relative clauses
though they employ different grammatical relations. Additionally,
Hualde notes that in certain cases, such as the oblique shown in
(6),
certain speakers show reluctance to productively produce such
constructions.
burni hotsa darion
Bizkaiko kizkeraz
iron sound pour.3ABS.COMP
Biscay.REL dialect.INSTR
'in the
dialect of Biscay, which pours out an iron sound' (776)
(Note that in
this dialect, Hualde posits that the verb 'darion' is
ditransitive, with 'hotsa' and 'Bizkaiko' serving as its two
objects).
hor dauzkagu Bonaparteren lanari ekin zioten
langile
there have Bonaparte.GEN work.DAT tackle AUX.3E.PL.COMP
worker
'There we have
the workers who took on the work of Bonaparte.' (775)
usoak iragaiten direneko
haroa zen
doves pass.IMPF AUX.COMP.REL
season be.3SG.PST
'It was the
season when pigeons arrive.' (782)
*etxea argazkhian hartu dudan gizona da
house photograph take AUX.COMP.GEN man be.3SG
'It is the man
whose house I took a photo of.' (780)
hainbetse
aldiz kontra aritu nintzen arerioek lagundu ninduten
so.many
time.INSTR against act AUX.COMP enemies.ERG help AUX
'He whose
adversaries fought against me so many times helped me.' (780)
I believe
that Basque relativization conforms to the accessibility hierarchy,
aside from the point Hualde raises about the equal accessibility of
ergatives and absolutives. As examples 1-6 demonstrate, Basque can
relativize items as low on the hierarchy as obliques, and continues
the process through ergative/absolutive. Genitives cannot be
relativized strictly, as shown in (7),
but rather must be understood through context, as in (8).
I could find no evidence in Hualde's grammar, explicitly stated or
otherwise, that objects of comparison exist as a separate
grammatical relation.
The same
evidence also shows that Basque relativization applies to a
contiguous portion of the accessibility hierarchy. Obliques are
lowest on the list of Basque items relativized, followed by datives,
ergatives and absolutives. Genitives cannot be directly relativized
and objects of comparison do not appear to exist in as a separate
grammatical relation.
The form of
predicates within relative clauses differs from independent finite
sentences. In nominal predication, such as (9),
Basque uses one of two copulas, "egon" or "izan" to form the
construction. In predicates within relative clauses, such as (10),
the normal forms of the verb stem "da" are used.
Mikel urduri izan
Michael nervous
COP
'Michael is
nervous.'
naizen gizonak
nekez onets dezake horrelakorik
be.1SG.COMP man.ERG
hardly accept AUX.POT such.thing.PRT
'The man I am
can hardly accept things like that.'
I'm
puzzled, actually, why this difference wouldn't lead to the
construction in (10)
to be disqualified as a predicate nominal. Perhaps (10)
is
in fact a copula, but no glosses in the relativization section
indicate that it is such (they're all glossed auxiliary).
Regardless, further work is needed to clarify this discrepancy.
Gloss
Abbreviations
# - Cannot be
interpreted as the specified meaning
1 - 1st
Person
2 - 2nd
Person
3
-
3rd
Person
ABS -
Absolutive
ABL - Ablative
ALL - Allative
AUX - Auxiliary
COMP -
Complementizer
COP - Copula
DAT - Dative
DET - Determiner
EMP - Emphatic
ERG - Ergative
FUT - Future
HAB - Habitual
IMPF -
Imperfect
INSTR -
Instrumental
LOC - Locative
REL -
Relational
PL - Plural
PRF -
Perfective
PRT - Preterite
PST - Past
POT - Potential
SG - Singular
References
Hualde,
JosIgnacio, and Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2003.
A
Grammar of Basque.
Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
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